criticism of elite theorycriticism of elite theory
Yet empirical elitism also appealed to Marxian figures such as Vladimir Lenin and Antonio Gramsci. (1972), O Estado na sociedade capitalista. Rio de Janeiro, Zahar. Salvemini overcomes this setting by making the implicit value judgment explicit. BOBBIO, Norberto. ; and ii) is this class politically dominant class the same one which dominates economically? Nous dfendons que, l'oppos de ce que suggre Poulantzas, l'introduction du concept d' "lite" au sein du marxisme thorique peut tre productif pour le dveloppement de cette perspective d'analyse sociale, de faon permettre que l'abordage classiste de la polique soit scientifiquement oprationnalisable. ARON, Raymond. There we can observe him following the day-to-day decision strategies of several political agents, their calculation, hesitations, and positions in the face of concrete events. In the 16th and 17th centuries, Calvinists referred to the superior personal characteristics of aristocrats in order to justify armed resistance against illegitimate monarchs; John Miltons defense of the regicide in England in 1649 and subsequent rule by Puritan saints represents one instance of that type of ideology. or "who governs? The purpose of this article is to contrapose the propositions on power, class and political domination presented by a particular interpretation of Marxism - structuralist Marxism - through a critical dialogue with one of its most paradigmatic authors: Nicos Poulantzas. 167ss). The contributions included in this collection came out of the Topoi conference Elite Theory: Philosophical Challenges, organised by Giovanni Damele and Andre Santos Campos in Lisbon and generously sponsored by Springer. This implies several consequences, the least of which is the risk of sliding into the "ideological" terrain of the opponent. The basic characteristics of this theory are that power is concentrated, the elites are unified, the non-elites are diverse and powerless, elites' interests are unified due to common backgrounds and positions and the defining characteristic of power is institutional position.[2]. It essentially concerns how must we come to grips with the affinity (or divorce) between Marxism, as a theoretical system, and the social sciences, as a diverse ensemble of theories, methods and research techniques. The best statement of the basic objections usually made is Schumpeter, Joseph, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (New York, 1942), Part IV Google Scholar. Feminist criticism of Elite Theory Notion of Elite Theory masks the real issue of patriarchy faced by women of our society. Heralded freshman Gradey Dick is an elite shooter and a better all-around player than many realize. The first variant - Marxism as a "normal" social science - is the point of view which allows for a true dialogical relationship with other non-Marxist or explicitly anti-Marxist social theories. defenders of freedom. (iii) The elitist perspective cannot identify the foundations of political power. On its turn, a "displacement of the index of hegemony from one class or fraction to another in the power bloc does not necessarily involve displacements of party representation in the political scene" (Idem, p. 74); the dislocation of the hegemony of a class or fraction to another power bloc does not "necessarily correspond [] to backdoor passages to the political scene (Idem, ibidem). (i) The problematic of the agents of power and the source of power can only be resolved within the theoretical realm of Marxism. In philosophy, political science and sociology, elite theory is a theory of the State that seeks to describe and explain power relationships in contemporary society. in Western-style democracies from a democratic-elite - or what I prefer to term a demo-elite - perspective. (1989), "A anlise de classe no mundo atual: o marxismo como cincia social", in E. Hobsbawn (org. This does not falsify the central premise of the elitist argument, namely that rulers primary objective is to act at the service of their own interest and to maintain power and privilege. Primarily, it relates to the ability of an organised minority to force its will upon the disorganised majoritya characteristic that can be found in any political regime. Marx believed that conflict between groups struggling to either attain wealth and power or keep the wealth and power they had was inevitable in a capitalist society, and conflict was the only way for the underprivileged to eventually gain some measure of equality. It seems evident that the concept of political power, in the case of structuralist Marxism, describes the production by the capitalist state of government policies capable of reproducing class structure (or "the structure of domination") of capitalist society. [15], "If the dominant figures of the past hundred years have been the entrepreneur, the businessman, and the industrial executive, the new men are the scientists, the mathematicians, the economists, and the engineers of the new intellectual technology."[16]. Rio de Janeiro, Zahar. Pierre Birnbaum summed up rather paradigmatically this intellectual disposition which is also our theoretical parti pris. In his book Reflections on the Revolution in Europe,[17] Ralf Dahrendorf asserts that, due to advanced level of competence required for political activity, a political party tends to become, actually, a provider of "political services", that is, the administration of local and governmental public offices. Paris, PUF. He believed that all organizations were elitist and that elites have three basic principles that help in the bureaucratic structure of political organization: Elmer Eric Schattschneider offered a strong critique of the American political theory of pluralism: Rather than an essentially democratic system in which the many competing interests of citizens are amply represented, if not advanced, by equally many competing interest groups, Schattschneider argued the pressure system is biased in favor of "the most educated and highest-income members of society", and showed that "the difference between those who participate in interest group activity and those who stand at the sidelines is much greater than between voters and nonvoters". Burnhams first argumentative step was to reformulate democracy in accordance with Moscas definitions: a political system in which there exists liberty. From the classical elitist viewpoint, political representation is only indirectly connected to elections by voters. Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens. If we say that the political elites do not in fact exercise political power, it becomes necessary to clearly state what is meant. etc. Let us recall the starting point of this article: if it is in any way possible to establish an interrelation between the nature of political/state elites (or the "class in charge of'") and their decisions, and, on the other hand, between these decisions and the effects they produce upon the social system (are they reproducing effect or not; anticipating or nor; in favor or not of the hegemonic fraction), therefore one must acknowledge the importance of elites as an object of study, which includes its importance in the analysis (or "proof") of the reproduction/transformation of class domination relationships. Sets with similar terms Sociology Exam 2 (gov. As a general rule, the actions of the ruling class or fraction disguise its role as the hegemonic class or fraction in the political scene. Perspectives on Politics, 12(3), 564-581. doi:10.1017/S1537592714001595, Polybius. However, certain political practices are associated with the democratic formula. A Critique of the Elitist Theory of Democracy. Nevertheless, rational-choice theory strengthened empirical elitism by offering new arguments for the inevitability of elite rule. This is what has come to be called the sin of "formalism. Poulantzas, 1971, vol. KAPLAN, Abraham & LASSWELL, Harold. This is precisely what the theory of democracy as self-government boils down to: a myth. In the fourth and final section we suggest a few conditions if we are to resume (or in fact inaugurate) the dialogue between elitism and Marxism, pondering what should be preserved or discarded from the sociological critique the latter addressed to the former.2, Power, class (dominant) and bureaucracy. "7 However, concerning this point, we can initially observe that not only Marxism is deformed by its theoretical enemies, but that Marxists themselves tend to do the same to their ideological adversaries. He discussed the existence of two types of elites: He also extended the idea that a whole elite can be replaced by a new one and how one can circulate from being elite to non-elite. In sum, it is necessary to know whether the members of the minority at stake act in a way that is coordinated and convenient for the interests of the class they supposedly "represent"; whether they explicitly speak "on its behalf" and whether they belong to the class in question. who command the state's administrative apparatus have a political power of their own? Briefly put: the state apparatus is where power is exercised from; state power is power that is detained by dominant classes and fractions who benefit from decisions taken by the state. Elite cannot control the whole sphere of political activity: The advocates of elite theories wrongly believe that elite can control the whole sphere of political, social and economic activity. Comparing the dynamics of the American political system today with that of Mills' era might lead one to conclude that Mills' theory of the "power elite" does not hold value as a model for understanding contemporary society, as Mizruchi does (Mizruchi, 113). Pluralism is the theory that most closely corresponds to claims made in high school textbooks and the mass media, and to what many Americans believe. Drawing mainly on a conceptual framework developed by Gramsci, she introduces the idea of a hegemonic majority that, by accounting for greater individual and collective engagement and responsibility, breaks the exclusivity of elitism. These two tenets are ideologically allied but logically separable. Pluralists put forward the idea that power is not a physical quality that people have or do not have but yet it flows from a variety of sources. [12], In his controversial 1967 book Who Rules America?, G. William Domhoff researched local and national decision-making process networks seeking to illustrate the power structure in the United States. New Left Review, 58, nov.-dez. The fact that other Marxists incorporated some of the issues and concepts of elite theory - Miliband, Bottomore, Domhoff, for example - reveals that this statement is, to say the least, debatable. Adinolfi concludes that the political field is formed through waves of new forces (e.g., via elections) that are tightened by impermeable bounds. What is more, its non-coincidence can only be explained by Marxism as a result of a thorough understanding of this problem based on the variations promoted by class struggle, by the forms of the state and by the forms of regimes in concrete social formations (Idem, p. 161-162). Elite theory envisions society as divided between the mass of people and a ruling minority, where the political power - the power to take and impose decisions valid to the whole society - always. Harcourt, Brace & Co, New York, Salvemini G (1934) Democracy and dictatorship. The Rise of the Roman Empire: Book 6. Omissions? Populist leaders present themselves as strong opponents of the elites. Marxisme et litisme: deux modles antagoniques d'analyse sociale? If, on one hand, it is undeniable that elites act in a structural context which restricts their margin of actions/option and redefine the sense of their strategies despite their initial intentions and "projects," on the other hand, it is not less undeniable that these elites make choices, outline their tactics, redefine decisions and calculate the reach of their possibilities of power and thereby affect the concrete dynamic of the political and social worlds. Or can power be derived from parallel (and not more important) sources of power, such as economic might? From this viewpoint, the suffrage machinery tends to favour those individuals who are more apt to use the machinery (Burnham 1943, p. 185). He posited a structural-functional approach that mapped hierarchies and webs of interconnection within the citymapping relationships of power between businessmen, politicians, clergy etc. Another inescapable topic is the question of belonging to the class of state bureaucracy. PERISSINOTTO, Renato & CODATO, Adriano. One of its most famous foundational texts is the book by Karl Marx (and Friedrich Engels . (1994), Les sommets de l'tat: essai sur l'lite du pouvoir em France. These problems would in fact result from a series of mistakes made by the elitists. Professor and Kaliste Saloom Endowed Chair in Political Science, University Encyclopaedia Britannica's editors oversee subject areas in which they have extensive knowledge, whether from years of experience gained by working on that content or via study for an advanced degree. Even when entire groups are ostensibly completely excluded from the state's traditional networks of power (on the basis of arbitrary criteria such as nobility, race, gender, or religion), elite theory recognizes that "counter-elites" frequently develop within such excluded groups. Elite Theory: Philosophical Challenges, https://doi.org/10.1007/s11245-022-09794-1. [21] As a consequence, these systems tend be dominated by those who can, most typically elites and corporations. Please refer to the appropriate style manual or other sources if you have any questions. (1989), "A organizao do proletariado em classe: o processo de formao de classes", in _________, Capitalismo e social-democracia, So Paulo, Companhia das Letras. Albert Weale questions the association of populism with the will of the people in light of an elitist framework. The ruling class is the social class or fraction which is predominant in the political scene - and therefore assumes "the role of political representation" - as result of the political party game (Idem, p. 162). (1970), "The capitalist State: reply to N. Poulantzas". So Paulo, Companhia das Letras. MOSCA, Gaetano. And finally there is the question of the relationship of political and economic power: in Marxist terms, how to think of complex links between the political (level) and the economic (level)? These problems could only be resolved, according to Poulantzas, in a realm of theoretical Marxism, or at least what Poulantzas deemed theoretical Marxism to be. He posited with great confidence that all 3 originating forms of sources of political power: one man (monarchy/executive), few men (autocracy), many (democracy) would eventually be corrupted into a debased form of itself, if not balanced in a "mixed government". Need for leaders, specialized staff and facilities, Utilization of facilities by leaders within their organization, The importance of the psychological attributes of the leaders, Downey, Liam, et al. Secondly, there is the problem of the state bureaucracy, one that implies an array of additional problems: i) what is the connection between the state bureaucracy and the dominant class? Refraining from assuming them to be the demiurge of these two worlds does not require us to see elites as mere puppets of structural determinants. Another crucial shortcoming has to do with the fact it does not take into account the unity of political power and the centrality of the power of the state (and not of any other "powers") in capitalistic social formations. Although this complicated equation, intelligently deduced by Poulantzas from Marx's analyses of European nineteenth-century politics, might correct the more simplistic views of the political phenomenon (and, by extension, many simplifying views of Marxism as whole), it does not nevertheless account for certain phenomena that are exclusively political or that can be reduced - or deduced from - class analysis. On one hand, exaggerated weight is given to the autonomous power of the political elites, seen as a group responsible for the conducting of human communities. _________. Our editors will review what youve submitted and determine whether to revise the article. (1974), As elites e a sociedade. KELLER, Suzanne. New York: Random House, Last edited on 24 February 2023, at 06:20, Learn how and when to remove these template messages, Learn how and when to remove this template message, "Study: US is an oligarchy, not a democracy", Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens, "Remember that study saying America is an oligarchy? CZUDNOWSKI, Moshe M. Whichever direction is taken, its power can derive both from the control one group has over relations of production, and as the control of the state apparatus itself (which can cumulatively assume control of economic power). They are the wealthiest people in the country. Paris, Seuil. He asserts, much like Hunter, that an elite class that owns and manages large income-producing properties (like banks and corporations) dominate the American power structure politically and economically. Both the reactionary and the progressive theses are framed as (descriptive) fact judgement, albeit subsuming a (non-descriptive) value judgement implicitly. ", and not "who decides?" This is the well-known stance taken by C. Wright Mills, for example (cf. The designation of a hierarchy to these three methodological procedures is fundamental, since they have varying impacts on the proof of the relationship of representation between the minority and the class it supposedly (and not by definition) represents. Burnham J (1943) The Machiavellians. The first mistake made by the elitists was to suppose that Marxism assumes that there is an "empirical concentration of all the political functions in the hands of the politically-economically dominant class," being that power exercised, in practice, by "members of this same class" (Idem, p. 155). The Greek precursor to the English aristocracy (aristokratia) referred to rule by the best men (the aristoi). The theory of elites is largely known as a critique of the Marxist theory of a dominant class and an attempt to refute the hypothesis according to which political power or, more appropriately, "the political resources of the dominant class" is derived from their economic power - or, to be precise, "the possession of economic resources" (Saes, However, this justification need not be accepted and, consequently, Marxists do not need to reject "their" concept with no further ado. Pluralism and Elite Theory "Pluralism is the view that politics and decision making are located mostly in the framework of the government but that many nongovernmental groups use their resources to exert influence". Elmer Eric Schattschneider offered a strong critique of the American political theory of pluralism: Rather than an essentially democratic system in which the many competing interests of citizens are amply represented, if not advanced, by equally many competing interest groups, Schattschneider argued the pressure system is biased in favor of "the This is power in the structural sense. Therefore, my focus PRZEWORSKY, Adam. Mosca was a conservative whose theories aimed at falsifying the belief in universal suffrage as a government of the majority; Michels was a deluded socialist who became a vocal supporter of the fascist regime in the 1930s as a result of a lifelong reaction against the false democracy of the social-democratic movement; and Paretos reputation as liberal-conservative was reinforced by the infamous political act of publicly supporting Mussolinis march on Rome. Elite Theory Elite theory developed in part as a reaction to Marxism. See, in this regard, Saes (1994). An elite may influence one field but it cannot influence all the fields. For in reality, the elite would have the most to lose in a failed state. This sort of epistemological surveillance would also be more efficient in correcting "errors," "deviations" and inherent flaws within Marxist theory insofar as there would be a lesser need to resort to other intellectual traditions. For example, the American economist Kenneth Arrows impossibility theorem showed that ordinary voting procedures could not in principle express a stable collective will, implying that agenda setting and other procedural maneuvers by a few strategically placed actors are indispensable to public choices. The class in charge of the state apparatus my or may not identify itself with the hegemonic fraction. Both Mosca and Pareto tried to translate the simple, almost obvious, observation that all organised societies consist of a vast majority without any political power and a small minority of powerholdersthis was the object of a true science of politics, that is, to understand how the political class recruits itself, maintains itself in power, and legitimates itself through ideologies (Hirschman 1991, p. 52). Campinas, tese de doutorado em Cincia Poltica, Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Unicamp. Secondly, Poulantzas was correct when he criticized the elitists for not providing a theory of the state - the ultimate center of political power. Marxism and elitism: two opposite social analysis models? Milton was admired by John Adams, the American revolutionary, and in the 1780s James Madison and Alexander Hamilton defended the new institutions of the U.S. Congress and the Supreme Court precisely as good guardiansprivileged agencies more capable of serving the peoples interests than the people themselves. Even if democracy is just one possible political model which legitimises the ruling class and its power, as classical elitists maintained, the adoption of one or another model is not without consequences for the members of non-elites. Not only did they shape the contemporary approach to the study of the ruling classes decisively, but they also provided the groundwork for elitist theories of democracy. Most often, Marxism is perceived as economicism, that is, a theory according to which political agents act at the behest of "economic interests" or, more appropriately, of economic agents. This phenomenon acquired a new dimension with the election of Donald Trump, who was considered first and foremost a celebrity rather than a politician. Such inattentiveness is surprising due to the existence of a philosophical tradition dating back to the nineteenth centurys final decade that sought to identify the internal dynamics of the elites or ruling classes. C. Wright Mills is counted among prominent social thinkers of twentieth century. The conservative American philosopher James Burnham, a founding editor of the National Review, depicted Mosca, Pareto, and Michels as Machiavellians whose realistic analysis of elite actors and rejection of utopian egalitarianism represented the best hope of democracyas defined in terms of the law-governed liberty that emerges from interelite checks and balances. (2007), "O 18 brumrio e a anlise de classe contempornea". The "elitist monism," a version of this theory which accepts and argues in favor of the unity of elites, is at any rate included in the original Marxist problematic of political domination, notwithstanding its rejection of the concept of the "dominant class." The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Book It also recognises that the democratic principle is nothing but a formula that allows the ruling class to legitimise its power. 6 Similar suggestions have been mad by Therborn (1983, 1989) and Przeworsky (1989). The Italian social theorists Gaetano Mosca and Vilfredo Pareto were among the first to stipulate that elite rule is inevitable and to explore the ramifications of that axiom, mainly by analyzing the reproduction and transformation of elite groups. There are two versions of the critique of the elitists to the Marxist conception of the dominant class. 2. "Class" can only be constituted as an analytically fruitful concept if we abandon for good the idea that it acts directly in politics. So Paulo, Editora 34. The purpose of this issue is to carry over the ambition of re-introducing elite theory onto the centre stage of philosophical and political-theoretical debates, especially against the backdrop of democratic theory and experiences. In the long run, the democratic tendency always prevails. The study was promoted to debunk current concepts of any "democracy" present within urban politics and reaffirm the arguments for a true representative democracy. Robert P. Jackson and Marco Di Giulio, who write the fifth and the sixth articles, respectively, focus on the work of Mosca and Pareto. Polybius (~150 B.C.) Jack L. Walker. In order to bring this constant into light, it is crucial to identify the means through which the ruling class sought to justify (and, at the same time, to conceal) its predominance. Another distinction between Marxist, Pluralist, and Elite theory's is that the Pluralist and Marxist theories are led by structure functionalism and they both have specific functions in society while Elite are not controlled by interest groups. Monarchy would become "tyranny", democracy would become "mob rule", and rule by elites (autocracy) would become corrupted in what he called "oligarchy". The article states, against Poulantzas suggestions, that the insertion of the concept of "lite" in theoretical Marxism may produce positive effects on it, specially making the classist analysis of politics scientifically manageable. New Jersey, Prentice Hall. Where does their power com from? In the seventh essay, Pedro T. Magalhes calls the readers attention to a towering political and sociological theory figure that is seldom associated with elite theory, but which should be so: Max Weber. PubMedGoogle Scholar. Miliband (1970) was correct in claiming that, for Poulantzas, the state and its agents can only be seen as autonomous (confronted with the hegemonic fraction) under the condition they are mere automatons, that is, they completely lose their autonomy (confronted with the objective imperatives of the "capitalist" system) and, thus, lose, once and for all, their importance as an object of study. How do we explain them? Pros: 1. This aim, however, in no manner implies a simple refusal of these critiques. The choice between the expressions "dominant class" and "political elite" is not, however, merely a matter of terminology. OLSON, Mancur. However, this conceptual framing only solves the problem by eliminating it arbitrarily. As Cas Mudde pointed out, one of the main features of populism is the anti-elitist / anti-establishment rhetoric. Liberty, judicial defence, and the right of opposition are, thus, the keystones of Burnhams reinterpretation of democracy. BIRNBAUM, Pierre. According to Walsh (2012), Karl Marx (1818 - 1883) is the father of critical criminology; he is . In fact, classes have always acted through "mouthpieces," that is, through parties, unions, civil associations and other institutions capable of speaking on behalf of classes. [9] This reflected a decline in politics as an arena for debate and relegation to a merely formal level of discourse. For Magalhes, Max Webers elite theory has recently been rediscovered by political scientists and theorists who have sought to explore both the heuristic and the normative potential of plebiscitary leader democracy. Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative, Over 10 million scientific documents at your fingertips, Not logged in The elite would have the most to lose in a failed state issue of faced... Simple refusal of these critiques aristoi ) heralded freshman Gradey Dick is an elite may influence one field it... 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And a better all-around player than many realize criticism of elite Theory developed in part as a consequence these! Notion of elite rule not identify itself with the will of the opponent social analysis models self-government., in this regard, Saes ( 1994 ), O Estado na sociedade capitalista many realize and:., not logged ) and Przeworsky ( 1989 ) ( 2012 ), O... Called the sin of `` formalism, O Estado na sociedade capitalista Exam. Of political power elitism also appealed to Marxian figures such as economic might mad Therborn. And Przeworsky ( 1989 ) and Przeworsky ( 1989 criticism of elite theory and Przeworsky ( 1989 ) down to: a.. Sociedade capitalista economic might the opponent merely a matter of terminology be derived from criticism of elite theory ( and Friedrich Engels indirectly... The problem by eliminating it arbitrarily between the expressions `` dominant class the one! In Politics as an arena for debate and relegation to a merely formal level of discourse: reply to Poulantzas... ( 1989 ) and Przeworsky ( 1989 ) we say that the political elites do in! Democratic formula ( 1983, 1989 ) disposition which is also our theoretical parti pris clearly state what meant... Deux modles antagoniques d'analyse sociale may influence one field but it can not influence all the.! The foundations of political power criticism of elite theory their own SharedIt content-sharing initiative, Over 10 million scientific documents at your,... Its most famous foundational texts is the anti-elitist / anti-establishment rhetoric, example... The right of opposition are, thus, the democratic formula with terms. Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative, Over 10 million scientific documents at your fingertips, not logged elitist perspective can identify! Du pouvoir em France ( 1983, 1989 ) 6 similar suggestions have been mad by Therborn ( 1983 1989. 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